克林顿自传

第一篇：克林顿自传

When I was a young man just out of law school and eager to get on with my life, on a whim I briefly put aside my reading preference for fiction and history and bought one of those how-to books:How to Get Control of Your Time and Your Life, by Alan Lakein.The book’s main point was the necessity of listing short-, medium-, and long-term life goals, then categorizing them in order of their importance, with the A group being the most important, the B group next, and the C the last, then listing under each goal specific activities designed to achieve them.I still have that paperback book, now almost thirty years old.And I’m sure I have that old list somewhere buried in my papers, though I can’t find it.However, I do remember the A list.I wanted to be a good man, have a good marriage and children, have good friends, make a successful political life, and write a great book.Whether I’m a good man is, of course, for God to judge.I know that I am not as good as my strongest supporters believe or as I hope to become, nor as bad as my harshest critics assert.I have been graced beyond measure by my family life with Hillary and Chelsea.Like all families’ lives, ours is not perfect, but it has been wonderful.Its flaws, as all the world knows, are mostly mine, and its continuing promise is grounded in their love.No person I know ever had more or better friends.Indeed, a strong case can be made that I rose to the presidency on the shoulders of my personal friends, the now legendary FOBs.My life in politics was a joy.I loved campaigns and I loved governing.I always tried to keep things moving in the right direction, to give more people a chance to live their dreams, to lift people’s spirits, and to bring them together.That’s the way I kept score.As for the great book, who knows? It sure is a good story.Early on the morning of August 19, 1946, I was born under a clear sky after a violent summer storm to a widowed mother in the Julia Chester Hospital in Hope, a town of about six thousand in southwest Arkansas, thirty-three miles east of the Texas border at Texarkana.My mother named me William Jefferson Blythe III after my father, William Jefferson Blythe Jr., one of nine children of a poor farmer in Sherman, Texas, who died when my father was seventeen.According to his sisters, my father always tried to take care of them, and he grew up to be a handsome, hardworking, fun-loving man.He met my mother at Tri-State Hospital in Shreveport, Louisiana, in 1943, when she was training to be a nurse.Many times when I was growing up, I asked Mother to tell me the story of their meeting, courting, and marriage.He brought a date with some kind of medical emergency into the ward where she was working, and they talked and flirted while the other woman was being treated.On his way out of the hospital, he touched the finger on which she was wearing her boyfriend’s ring and asked her if she was married.She stammered “no”—she was single.

The next day he sent the other woman flowers and her heart sank.Then he called Mother for a date, explaining that he always sent flowers when he ended a relationship.Two months later, they were married and he was off to war.He served in a motor pool in the invasion of Italy, repairing jeeps and tanks.After the war, he returned to Hope for Mother and they moved to Chicago, where he got back his old job as a salesman for the Manbee Equipment Company.They bought a little house in the suburb of Forest Park but couldn’t move in for a

couple of months, and since Mother was pregnant with me, they decided she should go home to Hope until they could get into the new house.On May 17, 1946, after moving their furniture into their new home, my father was driving from Chicago to Hope to fetch his wife.Late at night on Highway 60 outside of Sikeston, Missouri, he lost control of his car, a 1942 Buick, when the right front tire blew out on a wet road.He was thrown clear of the car but landed in, or crawled into, a drainage ditch dug to reclaim swampland.The ditch held three feet of water.When he was found, after a two-hour search, his hand was grasping a branch above the waterline.He had tried but failed to pull himself out.He drowned, only twenty-eight years old, married two years and eight months, only seven months of which he had spent with Mother.That brief sketch is about all I ever really knew about my father.All my life I have been hungry to fill in the blanks, clinging eagerly to every photo or story or scrap of paper that would tell me more of the man who gave me life.Iwas born on my grandfather’s birthday, a couple of weeks early, weighing in at a respectable six pounds eight ounces, on a twenty-one-inch frame.Mother and I came home to her parents’ house on Hervey Street in Hope, where I would spend the next four years.That old house seemed massive and mysterious to me then and still holds deep memories today.The people of Hope raised the funds to restore it and fill it with old pictures, memorabilia, and period furniture.They call it the Clinton Birthplace.It certainly is the place I associate with awakening to life—to the smells of country food;to buttermilk churns, ice-cream makers, washboards, and clotheslines;to my “Dick and Jane” readers, my first toys, including a simple length of chain I prized above them all;to strange voices talking over our “party line” telephone;to my first friends, and the work my grandparents did.After a year or so, my mother decided she needed to go back to New Orleans to Charity Hospital, where she had done part of her nursing training, to learn to be a nurse anesthetist.In the old days, doctors had administered their own anesthetics, so there was a demand for this relatively new work, which would bring more prestige to her and more money for us.But it must have been hard on her, leaving me.On the other hand, New Orleans was an amazing place after the war, full of young peo

eople, Dixieland music, and over-the-top haunts like the Club My-Oh-My, where men in drag danced and sang as lovely ladies.I guess it wasn’t a bad place for a beautiful young widow to move beyond her loss.While Mother was in New Orleans, I was in the care of my grandparents.They were incredibly conscientious about me.They loved me very much;sadly, much better than they were able to love each other or, in my grandmother’s case, to love my mother.Of course, I was blissfully unaware of all this at the time.I just knew that I was loved.Later, when I became interested in children growing up in hard circumstances and learned something of child development from Hillary’s work at the Yale Child Study Center, I came to realize how fortunate I had been.For all their own demons, my grandparents and my mother always made me feel I was the most important person in the world to them.Most children will make it if they have just one person who makes them feel that way.I had three.My grandmother, Edith Grisham Cassidy, stood just over five feet tall and weighed about 180 pounds.Mammaw was bright, intense, and aggressive, and had obviously been pretty once.She

had a great laugh, but she also was full of anger and disappointment and obsessions she only dimly understood.She took it all out in raging tirades against my grandfather and my mother, both before and after I was born, though I was shielded from most of them.She had been a good student and ambitious, so after high school she took a correspondence course in nursing from the Chicago School of Nursing.By the time I was a toddler she was a private-duty nurse for a man not far from our house on Hervey Street.I can still remember running down the sidewalk to meet her when she came home from work.I adored my grandfather, the first male influence in my life, and felt pride that I was born on his birthday.James Eldridge Cassidy was a slight man, about five eight, but in those years still strong and handsome.I always thought he resembled the actor Randolph Scott.My grandfather was an incredibly kind and generous man.During the Depression, when nobody had any money, he would invite boys to ride the ice truck with him just to get them off the street.They earned twenty-five cents a day.When I was living with him, my grandfather had two jobs that I really loved: he ran a little grocery store, and he supplemented his income by working as a night watchman at a sawmill.I loved spending the night with Papaw at the sawmill.We would take a paper bag with sandwiches for supper, and I would sleep in the backseat of the car.And on clear starlit nights, I would climb in the sawdust piles, taking in the magical smells of fresh-cut timber and sawdust.My grandfather loved working there, too.It got him out of the house and reminded him of the mill work he’d done as a young man around the time of my mother’s birth.Except for the time Papaw closed the car door on my fingers in the dark, those n

第二篇：希拉里. 克林顿 自传

In 1959, I wrote my autobiography for an assignment in Mrs.King’s sixth grade.In twenty-nine pages, most half-filled with earnest scrawl, I described my parents, brothers, pets, house, hobbies, school, sports and plans for the future.Forty-two years later, I began writing another memoir, this one about the eight years I spent in the White House living history with Bill Clinton.I quickly realized that I couldn’t explain my life as First Lady without going back to the beginning—how I became the woman I was that first day I walked into the White House on January 20, 1993, to take on a new role and experiences that would test and transform me in unexpected ways.Although I’ve had to be selective, I hope that I’ve conveyed the push and pull of events and relationships that affected me and continue to shape and enrich my world today.Since leaving the White House, representing New York in United Senator has been a humbling and daunting responsibility, and one I hope to write about more fully at a later time.The horrific events of Sep.11th 2001 made that clear by bringing home to New Yorkers and Americans.The role we must all play to protect and strengthen the Democratic ideals that have inspired and guided our nation for more than 200 years.These are the same ideas that as far back as I can remember or nurtured in me growing up.A political life I've often said is a continuing education in human nature including one's own.My 8 years in the White House tested my faith and political believes, my marriage and our nation's constitution and system of government.I became a lightning rod for political and ideological battles waged over America’s future and a magnet for feelings, good and bad, about women’s choices and roles.This is the story of how I experienced those 8 years as First Lady and as the wife of the president and how I made the decision to run for the United States Senator from New York and develop my political voice.Some may ask how I could give an accurate account of events, people and places that are so recent and of which I am still a part.I have done my best to convey my observations, thoughts and feelings as I experienced them.This is not meant to be a comprehensive history, but a personal memoir that offers an inside look at an extraordinary time in my life and in the life of America.[NoPage

第三篇：克林顿推销自传《我的生活》所发表的演讲

克林顿推销自传《我的生活》所发表的演讲

名人演讲稿

xMyLifeExcerpt-ChapterOne

EarlyonthemorningofAugust19,1946,IwasbornunderaclearskyafteraviolentsummerstormtoawidowedmotherintheJuliaChesterHoitalinHope,atownofaboutsixthousandinsouthwestArkaas,thirty-threemileseastoftheTexasborderatTexarkana.MymothernamedmeWilliamJeffersonBlytheIIIaftermyfather,WilliamJeffersonBlytheJr.,oneofninechildrenofapoorfarmerinSherman,Texas,whodiedwhenmyfatherwasseventeen.Accordingtohissisters,myfatheralwaystriedtotakecareofthem,andhegrewuptobeahandsome,hardworking,fun-lovingman.HemetmymotheratTri-StateHoitalinShreveport,Louisiana,in1943,whenshewastrainingtobeanurse.ManytimeswhenIwasgrowingup,IaskedMothertotellmethestoryoftheirmeeting,courting,andmarriage.Hebroughtadatewithsomekindofmedicalemergencyintothewardwhereshewasworking,andtheytalkedandflirtedwhiletheotherwomanwasbeingtreated.Onhiswayoutofthehoital,hetouchedthefingeronwhichshewaswearingherboyfriend'sringandaskedherifshewasmarried.Shestammered“no”--shewassingle.Thenextdayhesenttheotherwomanflowersandherheartsank.ThenhecalledMotherforadate,explainingthathealwayssentflowerswhenheendedarelatiohip.Twomonthslater,theyweremarriedandhewasofftowar.HeservedinamotorpoolintheinvasionofItaly,repairingjeeandtanks.Afterthewar,hereturnedtoHopeforMotherandtheymovedtoChicago,wherehegotbackhisoldjobasasalesmanfortheMaeeEquipmentCompany.TheyboughtalittlehouseinthesuburbofForestparkbutcouldn'tmoveinforacoupleofmonths,andsinceMotherwaspregnantwithme,theydecidedsheshouldgohometoHopeuntiltheycouldgetintothenewhouse.OnMay17,1946,aftermovingtheirfurnitureintotheirnewhome,myfatherwasdrivingfromChicagotoHopetofetchhiswife.LateatnightonHighway60outsideofSikeston,Miouri,helostcontrolofhiscar,a1942Buick,whentherightfronttireblewoutonawetroad.Hewasthrownclearofthecarbutlandedin,orcrawledinto,adrainageditchdugtoreclaimswampland.Theditchheldthreefeetofwater.Whenhewasfound,afteratwo-hoursearch,hishandwasgraingabranchabovethewaterline.Hehadtriedbutfailedtopullhi

第四篇：比尔·克林顿

First Inaugural Address of William Jefferson Clinton

My fellow citizens: Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals—life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep pisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead—we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift—a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity is the world to come—the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.26 To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.There is no longer pision between what is foreign and what is domestic—the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race—they affect us all.Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act—with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced—and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service—to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done—enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth—we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.An idea born in revolution and renewed through 2 centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate, we—the fortunate and the unfortunate—might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad persity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.Thank you and God bless you all.Second Inaugural Address of William Jefferson Clinton

My fellow citizens: At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century.It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs—a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come.We must keep our old democracy forever young.Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal.It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century.And what a century it has been.America became the world’s mightiest industrial power;saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war;and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age;built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all;split the atom and explored the heavens;invented the computer and the microchip;and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose.We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast.We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency.Those choices made all the difference.At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today.We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement.America stands alone as the world’s indispensable nation.Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth.Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment.Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government.Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution.We—the American people—we are the solution.Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.As times change, so government must change.We need a new government for a new century—humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves;a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less.Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less.The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity—not a guarantee, but a real opportunity—to build better lives.Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us.Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship.And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century.There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read;hiring people off welfare rolls;coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime;taking time out of our own lives to serve others.Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility—not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation.Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century.For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future—will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?

The pide of race has been America’s constant curse.And each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices.Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different.These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past.They plague us still.They fuel the fanaticism of terror.And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the world.These obsessions cripple both those who hate and, of course, those who are hated, robbing both of what they might become.We cannot, we will not, succumb to the dark impulses that lurk in the far regions of the soul everywhere.We shall overcome them.And we shall replace them with the generous spirit of a people who feel at home with one another.Our rich texture of racial, religious and political persity will be a Godsend in the 21st century.Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.As this new era approaches we can already see its broad outlines.Ten years ago, the Internet was the mystical province of physicists;today, it is a commonplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren.Scientists now are decoding the blueprint of human life.Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.The world is no longer pided into two hostile camps.Instead, now we are building bonds with nations that once were our adversaries.Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the world over.And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.My fellow Americans, as we look back at this remarkable century, we may ask, can we hope not just to follow, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the awful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must answer a resounding “Yes.”

This is the heart of our task.With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America’s journey.The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.In this new land, education will be every citizen’s most prized possession.Our schools will have the highest standards in the world, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy.And the doors of higher education will be open to all.The knowledge and power of the Information Age will be within reach not just of the few, but of every classroom, every library, every child.Parents and children will have time not only to work, but to read and play together.And the plans they make at their kitchen table will be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.Our streets will echo again with the laughter of our children, because no one will try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore.Everyone who can work, will work, with today’s permanent under class part of tomorrow’s growing middle class.New miracles of medicine at last will reach not only those who can claim care now, but the children and hardworking families too long denied.We will stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction.Our children will sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons.Ports and airports, farms and factories will thrive with trade and innovation and ideas.And the world’s greatest democracy will lead a whole world of democracies.Our land of new promise will be a nation that meets its obligations—a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values.A nation where our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren know we have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time.A nation that fortifies the world’s most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our water, air, and majestic land.And in this land of new promise, we will have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people will always speak louder than the din of narrow interests—regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.Fellow citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forward toward realizing the full potential of all its citizens.Prosperity and power—yes, they are important, and we must maintain them.But let us never forget: The greatest progress we have made, and the greatest progress we have yet to make, is in the human heart.In the end, all the world’s wealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.Thirty-four years ago, the man whose life we celebrate today spoke to us down there, at the other end of this Mall, in words that moved the conscience of a nation.Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America would rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the law and in the heart.Martin Luther King’s dream was the American Dream.His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed.Our history has been built on such dreams and labors.And by our dreams and labors we will redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.To that effort I pledge all my strength and every power of my office.I ask the members of Congress here to join in that pledge.The American people returned to office a President of one party and a Congress of another.Surely, they did not do this to advance the politics of petty bickering and extreme partisanship they plainly deplore.No, they call on us instead to be repairers of the breach, and to move on with America’s mission.America demands and deserves big things from us—and nothing big ever came from being small.Let us remember the timeless wisdom of Cardinal Bernardin, when facing the end of his own life.He said: “It is wrong to waste the precious gift of time, on acrimony and pision.”

Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time.For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end.But the journey of our America must go on.And so, my fellow Americans, we must be strong, for there is much to dare.The demands of our time are great and they are different.Let us meet them with faith and courage, with patience and a grateful and happy heart.Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history.Yes, let us build our bridge.A bridge wide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of new promise.May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the American Dream alive for all her children;with the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people;with America’s bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the world.From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth.May God strengthen our hands for the good work ahead—and always, always bless our America.英文全名： William Jefferson Clinton 中文音译： 威廉·杰斐逊·克林顿(台湾译作柯林顿)

在英文中，叫 William 的人的小名一般都叫Bill，所以，他也可以称为Bill Clinton, 比尔·克林顿。

美国律师、政治家，美国民主党成员，曾任阿肯色州州长（1979年－1981年、1983年－1992年）和第42任美国总统（1993年－2001年）。

他曾经担任美国第42任总统长达 8 年（任期1993年1月20日——2001年1月20日），他与他的副手艾伯特·戈尔一起在1992年击败当时竞选连任的老布什而当选总统，并在1996年以压倒性优势击败共和党参议员鲍伯·杜尔连任。到2001年离职时，是历史上得到最多公众肯定的总统之一。

他是美国第一位出生于第二次世界大战之后的总统、第三位遭受国会弹劾动议的总统，也是仅次于西奥多·罗斯福和约翰·肯尼迪之后的最年轻的美国总统，以及富兰克林·罗斯福之后连任成功的唯一一位民主党总统。

他被称为新民主党人，其执政理念也被归结为第三种道路。在他的执政下，美国经历了历史上和平时期持续时间最长的一次经济发展，实现了财政收支平衡和国库盈余5590亿美元。在其总统任期内也遭遇了不少挑战，由于其保健计划改革等政策的失败，共和党在事隔40年之后首次获得众议院的控制权。在第二个任期内，因伪证罪和妨碍司法罪被众议院弹劾，但最终被参议院否决弹劾案并完成任期。

他以65%的民意支持率结束任期，创下了二战后美国总统离任最高支持率纪录。此后，一直进行公开演讲和人道主义工作，成立了威廉·J·克林顿基金，致力于艾滋病和全球变暖等国际问题的预防。2004年，出版了自传小说《我的生活》。

第五篇：克林顿道歉信

篇一：克林顿总统向国人道歉

很好的道歉信，大家学习（非行动上哦！）(2008-08-13 21:35:11)标签：杂谈

克林顿总统向国人道歉

president bill clinton: good afternoon.as anyone close to me knows, for months i have been grappling with how best to reconcile myself to the american people, to acknowledge my own wrongdoing and still to maintain my focus on the work of the presidency.others are presenting my defense on the facts, the law and the constitution.nothing i can say now can add to that.what i want the american people to know, what i want the conss to know is that i am profoundly sorry for all i have done wrong in words and deeds.i never should have misled the country, the conss, my friends or my family.quite simply, i gave in to my shame.i have been condemned by my accusers with harsh words.and while its hard to hear yourself called deceitful and manipulative, i remember ben franklins admonition that our critics are our friends, for they do show us our faults.like anyone who honestly faces the shame of wrongful conduct, i would give anything to go back and undo what i did.but one of the painful truths i have to live with is the reality that that is simply not possible.an old and dear friend of mine recently sent me the wisdom of a poet who wrote, the moving finger writes and having writ, moves on.nor all your piety nor wit shall lure it back to cancel half a line.nor all your tears wash out a word of it.so nothing, not piety, nor tears, nor wit, nor torment can alter what i have done.i must make my peace with that.i must also be at peace with the fact that the public consequences of my actions are in the hands of the american people and their representatives in the conss.should they determine that my errors of word and deed require their rebuke and censure, i am ready to accept that.meanwhile, i will continue to do all i can to reclaim the trust of the american people and to serve them well.we must all return to the work, the vital work, of strengthening our nation for the new century.our country has wonderful opportunities and daunting challenges ahead.i intend to seize those opportunities and meet those challenges with all the energy and ability and strength god has given me.that is simply all i can do--the work of the american people.thank you very much.president bill clinton-december 11, 1998 篇二：关于道歉的几个故事

一句道歉创下全球单店月销售量第一纪录,一句道歉终结香港报业大战,一句道歉终结商业事件民族主义化,一句道歉保住总统职位,一句道歉挽回一个商业帝国??道歉，这种人际关系中的一环，也被市场经常性地视为商业策略和危机公关的一种技巧。

文/何树青

肯德基vs南昌：“对不起，我们来晚了！”.......................1 苹果日报vs香港报界：“我们错了！”..........................2 丰田vs中国消费者：“这完全是我们工作不周造成的，非常对不起！”

...........................................................4 克林顿vs美国人：“我是如此深深地感到抱歉”..................5 可口可乐vs比利时： “我本来应该早点与你们商量”............6 肯德基vs南昌：“对不起，我们来晚了！”

直到1999年，南昌还是一个没有肯德基、没有麦当劳、没有必胜客的城市。南昌的一位市委书记把引进麦当劳当做政府工作任务之一来抓，但是麦当劳没来。肯德基经过市场调查后认定，南昌经济水平没有达到开店标准，所以肯德基也没来。那时，全中国的人都还不知道南昌人是多么热爱美食，多么能吃。1998年，一家西式快餐店开在八一广场旁的工人文化宫，装修期间先打出一条巨大的横幅：“麦当劳还是肯德基？”搞得英雄城的好食者一阵激动，盼星星盼月亮一样等着它开门大吉。门终于开了，很像麦当劳和肯德基的经营模式和店堂，人们一拥而入，才发现它叫做“多乐汉堡”。

南昌人聊胜于无，爱屋及乌，“吃汉堡去”成了一句流行语，成全了它居然开出3家分店。这是南昌人接触到的第一个洋快餐品牌。

之后，孺子路、叠山路、福州路、二七路、民德路、沿江路上的餐馆酒店蔚然成风，南昌俨然变成了一间大餐馆。在吃上，你根本看不懂南昌人到底有钱还是没钱。2000年8月，百胜餐饮集团终于坐不住了，抱着试试看的心态，在八一广场开了南昌第一家肯德基店，并且做好连续3个月亏损的准备。开张那天，肯德基打出巨大的广告横幅：“对不起，我们来晚了！”在百胜餐饮集团看来，这只是一句温馨而讨好的问候；但在南昌人看来，它释放了一个内陆省长达20多年的压抑情绪：江西人希望被外界接纳、与国际交融的极度渴望。

如火的8月，排队等候就餐的人流顶着烈日暴晒，从早到晚排在肯德基门口，在马路上排了上公里长的队。当天，肯德基全球单日单店营业额最高纪录诞生了。连续23天，天天刷新着这个纪录。有人惊呼：继南昌起义后，南昌又一次创造了奇迹！

到2003年4月，在八一广场不超过1平方公里的范围内，云集了肯德基的5家餐厅，全部赢利。百胜餐饮集团大中国区总裁苏敬轼说：“是我们发现了这块掘金宝地。”之后麦当劳来了，中外零售巨头也来了，南昌沃尔玛开张的第一个星期，也创下了沃尔玛同一时间单店销售额的全球之冠。从此，南昌的城市荣耀中多了一项：肯德基、沃尔玛销售世界纪录的刷新地！

2003年11月，多乐汉堡最后一家分店关闭，招牌只卖了30元。苹果日报vs香港报界：“我们错了！”

从1987年至1996年十年间，香港有60多份日报，600多家杂志。香港报纸日发行量高达150万份，平均每四人一份。

1995年年中，《苹果日报》(以下简称《苹果》)在香港上市。当时位居香港报纸销量第一位的是《东方日报》。上市之前，创办人亲自担纲电视广告宣传片主角。在那个广告片中，他站在一个黑暗的房间里，突然，四周射来了上百支箭；然后，画面中出现被射得满身是箭的黎智英，拿着一个苹果，悠然地说：“遭万箭穿身，仍气定神闲地啖一颗苹果”。

《苹果》上市第一天，就展开了一场血腥的“割喉战”——当时香港报业公会制定的报纸限价是港币5元，但《苹果》一份只要2元。加上“一份报纸、送一颗苹果”，《苹果》在创刊第一天就卖了20万份，三个月后冲上30万份。《苹果》真正让香港报业伤筋动骨的，是它编排版面的全新手法和颠覆传统的新闻内容，完全市场导向的办报理念颠覆了传统新闻专业精神，引起了媒体的新闻道德之争。以往香港的报纸头版通常放广告，尤其是房地产广告。但《苹果》却打破这项不成文的规矩，在头版摆放新闻内容，结果这个变革大受读者欢迎，逼得香港所有报纸换掉头版广告改放内容。《苹果》有50组狗仔队在路上捕捉突发新闻，其他报纸自然也少不得弄个50组人。在这场大战中，所有的香港报纸全都跟着“苹果化”，连一向讲求报道品质的《明报》也不例外。香港评论家马家辉说：《明报》后来经过好长一段时间的调整与和读者对话，才渐渐从“苹果化”与“非苹果化”的左右摇摆之间找到位置；《苹果》的最大对手《东方日报》，更足足花了5年的时间才能喘口气。

局面打开之后，《苹果》创办人在头版刊登整版广告：“我们错了！”，将售价从2元调升至5元，同价对撼《东方日报》。12月9日起，《东方日报》割喉降价以求保住老大之位，售价从每份5元改为2元。《苹果》、《成报》于翌日起售价分别调低至4元和2元，《苹果》并声称4元售价跨越1997年不变。紧接着，《新报》火上加油，售价降至1元，《天天日报》也入战围，降价至2元。这场战争直到1996年7月才平息下来，为了共同的利益，各报又恢复了原先5元的售价。但经过价格战的这么一折腾，香港其他报纸伤的伤、死的死，《新报》、《星岛日报》、《电视日报》、《香港联合报》、《快报》等相继宣布停刊。

而每年创收5亿多港元的《苹果日报》，则以35万份的销量，时时以第二名的强势令发行38万份的《东方日报》寝食难安。

丰田vs中国消费者：“这完全是我们工作不周造成的，非常对不起！”

2003年岁末，日本丰田汽车公司在中国媒体投放了两则广告，其一是霸道广告：一辆霸道汽车停在两只石狮子之前，一只石狮子抬起右爪做敬礼状，另一只石狮子向下俯首，背景为高楼大厦，配图广告语为“霸道，你不得不尊敬”；其二为“丰田陆地巡洋舰”广告：该汽车在雪山高原上以钢索拖拉一辆绿色国产大卡车，拍摄地址在可可西里。

中国网友在新浪汽车频道等网站发表言论，指出狮子是中国的图腾，有代表中国之意，而绿色卡车则代表中国的军车，因此认为丰田公司的两则广告侮辱中国人的感情，伤害了国人的自尊，并产生不少过激言论。

危机爆发后，日本丰田汽车公司和一汽丰田汽车销售公司紧急约见了十余家媒体，称“这两则广告均属纯粹的商品广告，毫无他意”，并正式通过新闻界向中国消费者表示道歉。在丰田服务了27年的一汽丰田总经理古谷俊男在道歉会上不住地鞠躬致歉：“这完全是我们工作不周造成的，非常对不起。”

丰田在致歉的同时也适时地表达了主观无过错性，“我不是故意的，但既然产生了这样的理解歧义，我必须道歉”，“为了防止类似事件发生，公司正在采取相应措施，以坚决杜绝类似事件的发生，希望在最短的时间取得消费者的谅解和信任。”

同时，丰田立即停止了这两则广告的刊发，并就此事向工商部门递交了书面解释，在更大范围内积极主动地寻求问题解决的途径。刊登“丰田霸道”广告的《汽车之友》杂志率先在网上公开刊登了一封致读者的致歉信。

道歉之后，丰田取得了中国媒体和公众的谅解。这一事件也成为2003十大企业危机公关案例之一。

克林顿vs美国人：“我是如此深深地感到抱歉”

1998年1月17日，美国总统克林顿在保拉·琼丝提出的性骚扰诉讼中向陪审团秘密作证。作证时，他被问及他与曾任白宫实习生的莱温斯基是否有性关系，克林顿断然否认。但越来越多的证据证明克林顿撒了谎。1998年8月，克林顿被迫承认绯闻，并向人民道歉，向内阁道歉，向妻子和家人道歉。8月17日晚10时整，克林顿在白宫地图室面色沉重地向全国发表约5分钟的电视讲话，就自己在莱温斯基性丑闻案中误导美国人民而向全国人民道歉，并对所发生的事情负全部责任。

克林顿道歉之后，妻子希拉里原谅了他。对于斯塔尔的调查报告，美国法律界人士也提出严厉批评。女众议员沃尔特斯指出，斯塔尔的报告中有548次使用“性”这个词。克林顿为绯闻案作证的4小时录像带在9月21日公开播出后，反而引起美国百姓对克林顿的同情,民众对克林顿的支持度上升了6个百分点。但绯闻案的调查并未因此而画上句号，克林顿继续受到众议院的弹劾和参议院的审查，但他并未因此下台，而是继续完成了第二任的总统任期。1999年2月13日，克林顿在白宫玫瑰园再次发表了一项道歉声明，他说：“对自己引发这些事件的所作所为和因此而给国会和美国人民增加的沉重负担，我是如此深深地感到抱歉。”

美国人原谅了这个绯闻总统。他道歉了，证明他“反省错误”了。他们觉得，宁可要一个有缺陷的人性化的总统，也不要一个没有人情味的国家领袖。

4年之后，克林顿的自传《我的生活》,首印全美发行150万册,还没上市就预订一空。篇三：5个必看的道歉故事

5个必看的道歉故事

导读：一句道歉创下全球单店月销售量第一纪录，一句道歉终结香港报业大战，一句道歉终结商业事件民族主义化，一句道歉保住总统职位，一句道歉挽回一个商业帝国??道歉，这种人际关系中的一环，也被市场经常性地视为商业策略和危机公关的一种技巧。

肯德基vs南昌：

“对不起，我们来晚了！”

直到1999年，南昌还是一个没有肯德基、没有麦当劳、没有必胜客的城市。南昌的一位市委书记把引进麦当劳当做政府工作任务之一来抓，但是麦当劳没来。肯德基经过市场调查后认定，南昌经济水平没有达到开店标准，所以肯德基也没来。那时，全中国的人都还不知道南昌人是多么热爱美食，多么能吃。

1998年，一家西式快餐店开在八一广场旁的工人文化宫，装修期间先打出一条巨大的横幅：“麦当劳还是肯德基？”搞得英雄城的好食者一阵激动，盼星星盼月亮一样等着它开门大吉。门终于开了，很像麦当劳和肯德基的经营模式和店堂，人们一拥而入，才发现它叫做“多乐汉堡”。

南昌人聊胜于无，爱屋及乌，“吃汉堡去”成了一句流行语，成全了它居然开出3家分店。这是南昌人接触到的第一个洋快餐品牌。

之后，孺子路、叠山路、福州路、二七路、民德路、沿江路上的餐馆酒店蔚然成风，南昌俨然变成了一间大餐馆。在吃上，你根本看不懂南昌人到底有钱还是没钱。

2000年8月，百胜餐饮集团终于坐不住了，抱着试试看的心态，在八一广场开了南昌第一家肯德基店，并且做好连续3个月亏损的准备。开张那天，肯德基打出巨大的广告横幅：“对不起，我们来晚了！”在百胜餐饮集团看来，这只是一句温馨而讨好的问候；但在南昌人看来，它释放了一个内陆省长达20多年的压抑情绪：江西人希望被外界接纳、与国际交融的极度渴望。

如火的8月，排队等候就餐的人流顶着烈日暴晒，从早到晚排在肯德基门口，在马路上排了上公里长的队。当天，肯德基全球单日单店营业额最高纪录诞生了。连续23天，天天刷新着这个纪录。有人惊呼：继南昌起义后，南昌又一次创造了奇迹！

到2003年4月，在八一广场不超过1平方公里的范围内，云集了肯德基的5家餐厅，全部赢利。百胜餐饮集团大中国区总裁苏敬轼说：“是我们发现了这块掘金宝地。”之后麦当劳来了，中外零售巨头也来了，南昌沃尔玛开张的第一个星期，也创下了沃尔玛同一时间单店销售额的全球之冠。从此，南昌的城市荣耀中多了一项：肯德基、沃尔玛销售世界纪录的刷新地！

2003年11月，多乐汉堡最后一家分店关闭，招牌只卖了30元。

苹果日报vs香港报界：

“我们错了！”

从1987年至1996年十年间，香港有60多份日报，600多家杂志。香港报纸日发行量高达150万份，平均每四人一份。

1995年年中，《苹果日报》（以下简称《苹果》）在香港上市。当时位居香港报纸销量第

一位的是《东方日报》。上市之前，创办人亲自担纲电视广告宣传片主角。在那个广告片中，他站在一个黑暗的房间里，突然，四周射来了上百支箭；然后，画面中出现被射得满身是箭的黎智英，拿着一个苹果，悠然地说：“遭万箭穿身，仍气定神闲地啖一颗苹果”。

《苹果》上市第一天，就展开了一场血腥的“割喉战”——当时香港报业公会制定的报纸限价是港币5元，但《苹果》一份只要2元。加上“一份报纸、送一颗苹果”，《苹果》在创刊第一天就卖了20万份，三个月后冲上30万份。

《苹果》真正让香港报业伤筋动骨的，是它编排版面的全新手法和颠覆传统的新闻内容，完全市场导向的办报理念颠覆了传统新闻专业精神，引起了媒体的新闻道德之争。以往香港的报纸头版通常放广告，尤其是房地产广告。但《苹果》却打破这项不成文的规矩，在头版摆放新闻内容，结果这个变革大受读者欢迎，逼得香港所有报纸换掉头版广告改放内容。《苹果》有50组狗仔队在路上捕捉突发新闻，其他报纸自然也少不得弄个50组人。在这场大战中，所有的香港报纸全都跟着“苹果化”，连一向讲求报道品质的《明报》也不例外。香港评论家马家辉说：《明报》后来经过好长一段时间的调整与和读者对话，才渐渐从“苹果化”与“非苹果化”的左右摇摆之间找到位置；《苹果》的最大对手《东方日报》，更足足花了5年的时间才能喘口气。

局面打开之后，《苹果》创办人在头版刊登整版广告：“我们错了！”，将售价从2元调升至5元，同价对撼《东方日报》。12月9日起，《东方日报》割喉降价以求保住老大之位，售价从每份5元改为2元。《苹果》、《成报》于翌日起售价分别调低至4元和2元，《苹果》并声称4元售价跨越1997年不变。紧接着，《新报》火上加油，售价降至1元，《天天日报》也入战围，降价至2元。这场战争直到1996年7月才平息下来，为了共同的利益，各报又恢复了原先5元的售价。但经过价格战的这么一折腾，香港其他报纸伤的伤、死的死，《新报》、《星岛日报》、《电视日报》、《香港联合报》、《快报》等相继宣布停刊。

而每年创收5亿多港元的《苹果日报》，则以35万份的销量，时时以第二名的强势令发行38万份的《东方日报》寝食难安。

丰田vs中国消费者： “这完全是我们工作不周造成的，非常对不起！”

2003年岁末，日本丰田汽车公司在中国媒体投放了两则广告，其一是霸道广告：一辆霸道汽车停在两只石狮子之前，一只石狮子抬起右爪做敬礼状，另一只石狮子向下俯首，背景为高楼大厦，配图广告语为“霸道，你不得不尊敬”；其二为“丰田陆地巡洋舰”广告：该汽车在雪山高原上以钢索拖拉一辆绿色国产大卡车，拍摄地址在可可西里。

中国网友在新浪汽车频道等网站发表言论，指出狮子是中国的图腾，有代表中国之意，而绿色卡车则代表中国的军车，因此认为丰田公司的两则广告侮辱中国人的感情，伤害了国人的自尊，并产生不少过激言论。

危机爆发后，日本丰田汽车公司和一汽丰田汽车销售公司紧急约见了十余家媒体，称“这两则广告均属纯粹的商品广告，毫无他意”，并正式通过新闻界向中国消费者表示道歉。在丰田服务了27年的一汽丰田总经理古谷俊男在道歉会上不住地鞠躬致歉：“这完全是我们工作不周造成的，非常对不起。”

丰田在致歉的同时也适时地表达了主观无过错性，“我不是故意的，但既然产生了这样的理解歧义，我必须道歉”，“为了防止类似事件发生，公司正在采取相应措施，以坚决杜绝

类似事件的发生，希望在最短的时间取得消费者的谅解和信任。”

同时，丰田立即停止了这两则广告的刊发，并就此事向工商部门递交了书面解释，在更大范围内积极主动地寻求问题解决的途径。刊登“丰田霸道”广告的《汽车之友》杂志率先在网上公开刊登了一封致读者的致歉信。

道歉之后，丰田取得了中国媒体和公众的谅解。这一事件也成为2003十大企业危机公关案例之一。

克林顿vs美国人：

“我是如此深深地感到抱歉”

1998年1月17日，美国总统克林顿在保拉·琼丝提出的性骚扰诉讼中向陪审团秘密作证。作证时，他被问及他与曾任白宫实习生的莱温斯基是否有性关系，克林顿断然否认。但越来越多的证据证明克林顿撒了谎。1998年8月，克林顿被迫承认绯闻，并向人民道歉，向内阁道歉，向妻子和家人道歉。8月17日晚10时整，克林顿在白宫地图室面色沉重地向全国发表约5分钟的电视讲话，就自己在莱温斯基性丑闻案中误导美国人民而向全国人民道歉，并对所发生的事情负全部责任。

克林顿道歉之后，妻子希拉里原谅了他。对于斯塔尔的调查报告，美国法律界人士也提出严厉批评。女众议员沃尔特斯指出，斯塔尔的报告中有548次使用“性”这个词。克林顿为绯闻案作证的4小时录像带在9月21日公开播出后，反而引起美国百姓对克林顿的同情,民众对克林顿的支持度上升了6个百分点。

但绯闻案的调查并未因此而画上句号，克林顿继续受到众议院的弹劾和参议院的审查，但他并未因此下台，而是继续完成了第二任的总统任期。1999年2月13日，克林顿在白宫玫瑰园再次发表了一项道歉声明，他说：“对自己引发这些事件的所作所为和因此而给国会和美国人民增加的沉重负担，我是如此深深地感到抱歉。”

美国人原谅了这个绯闻总统。他道歉了，证明他“反省错误”了。他们觉得，宁可要一个有缺陷的人性化的总统，也不要一个没有人情味的国家领袖。

4年之后，克林顿的自传《我的生活》,首印全美发行150万册,还没上市就预订一空。可口可乐vs比利时：

“我本来应该早点与你们商量”

1999年6月上旬，40多名比利时的小学生在喝下可口可乐后出现恶心、腹泻等症状，紧接着，类似的症状像瘟疫一样快速传播到了法国境内。14日，比利时政府首先宣布，禁止销售可口可乐公司生产的所有饮料，此后法国及卢森堡等国也颁布了同样禁令。

可口可乐在这场风暴中反应迟钝，从美国飞往欧洲只需要10多个小时，而可口可乐公司总裁艾华士从美国赶往布鲁塞尔却花了整整5天时间。22日，艾华士在比利时各大报纸刊登《向比利时消费者的道歉信》，诚惶诚恐地说“我本来应该早点与你们商量”，并表示要“不惜一切代价”重新获得消费者的信任。

道歉虽然晚了，但依然有效。公开道歉之后的两天，即6月24日，比利时政府决定取消对可口可乐的禁销令，这场危机逐步化解。

之后，可口可乐公司全球总裁兼首席执行官从艾华士更换为戴士杰，百年一遇的裁员风

暴在可口可乐公司刮起，有将近6000个职位“随风而逝”，而美国总部更有40%的人员下岗。可口可乐在欧洲的危机从此改变了可口可乐的战略，“把人员赶到市场上去，是可口可乐一个显著的改变。”

目前，可口可乐的商标价值仍位居全球第一。篇四：世界八大名人道歉门(图)世界八大名人道歉门(图)第 1 页：老虎伍兹

第 2 页：比尔·克林顿

第 3 页：陈冠希

第 4 页：约翰·爱德华兹

第 5 页：应召女郎阿什丽·杜普雷

第 6 页：马克·桑福德

第 7 页：丰田章男 第 8 页：贝拉克·奥巴马

tiger woods 老虎伍兹

老虎伍兹因为一场离奇车祸引出的十几段婚外情彻底颠覆了他在人们心中的形象。为了以后还能出来见人，不得不站出来道歉。在发布会上，伍兹表现得悔意十足，还颇有男人的承担。i want say to each of you simply, and directly, i am deeply sorry for my irresponsible and selfish behavior i engaged in.我想对你们每个人都直接明了地说声对不起，我对我的不负责任，自私自利的行为表示深深的歉意。

some have written things about my family.despite the damage i have done, i still believe it is right to shield my family from the public spotlight.they did not do these things.i did.有些人写过关于我家庭的文章。虽然我的所作所为伤害了大家，但是我仍然认为我应该保护我的家庭，不能让我的家人成为舆论的焦点。事情都是我一个人做的，他们是无辜的。不过现在老百姓也都没有那么好糊弄了，公关公司会把什么时候应该“眼含热泪”、什么时候应该“深吸一口气”、包括穿什么衣服、做出什么动作等等都设计到位。于是，这样的发布会也就跨入名人演技大考验的时代了。

bill clinton 比尔·克林顿

克林顿任上处理过多少国家事务恐怕现在没多少人记得了，不过他著名的“拉链门”事件还让人一直数落到今天。现在但凡奥巴马跟米歇尔有点什么亲密举动了，脱口秀里都会把克林顿拎出来调侃一番。克林顿在事实确凿不容推翻的时候，不断在改进自己的道歉技术，最初是： i did have a relationship with miss lewinsky that was not appropriate.infact, it was wrong.i misled people, including even my wife.i deeply regret that.我的确和莱温斯基小姐发生了不适当的关系，事实上，这是错误的。我欺骗了人民，甚至欺骗了我的妻子，我深深地感到后悔。

一直到后来的： what i want the american people to know, what i want the congress to know, is that i am profoundly sorry for all i have done wrong in words and deeds.i never should have misled the country, the congress, my friends and my family.我希望美国人民了解到，我希望国会了解到，我对我做过的错事说过的错话感到由衷的歉意。我从来都不应该欺骗国家、国会、我的朋友和我的家人。

可以看出，语言上下了很大的功夫。克林顿最终没有被国会弹劾，这大概也因为他任期内美国国泰民安，老百姓也不愿意折腾了。

edison chen 陈冠希

陈冠希事件的诞生让这样的事情从此有了一个固定的名字——艳照门。这件事给女性朋友敲了一个警钟，不管什么时候，都不要随便拍艳照；也给男性朋友敲了一个警钟，不管什么时候，会修电脑是一项多么重要的技能。在一个全英文新闻发布会上，陈冠希做出了道歉。i would like now to apologise to all the people for all the suffering that has been caused and the problems that have arisen from this.i would like to apologise to all the ladies and to all their families, for any harm or hurt that theyve been feeling, im sorry.i would like to also apologise to my mother and my father, for the pain and suffering that i cost them during these past few weeks.我诚挚地表达我的歉意，向所有人，向相关的女士和她们的家人，在这件事中受到的伤害。我向我的家人道歉，我向父母道歉。我衷心地表达我的歉意。

不得不说，这段话写得很有水平。尤其是第一个长句，这种句式结构很值得我们学习。陈冠希事件到现在总算平息，不过社会上却变成了年年有今日，岁岁有艳照。除了怎么道歉之外，陈冠希还教会我们的一件事：以后只要有明星因为犯错声明退出演艺圈，一定要确认是不是退出了大陆、香港、台湾、亚洲以及全世界的演艺圈„„

john edwards 约翰·爱德华兹

这位是民主党前总统候选人，这件事在美国老百姓中还是掀起了轩然大波，怪只怪爱德华兹先生演技太好，一下子把自己的婚姻搞成国家模范了。尤其他太太伊丽莎白还是老百姓心中坚强不息、和病魔勇敢作斗争的女性典范。他在一份声明中说：

i made a serious error in judgment and conducted myself in a way that was disloyal to my family and to my core beliefs.我在判断上犯了一个严重的错误，让自己陷入了对家庭和对自己的信念不忠的境地。

这位先生通篇的声明都在为自己辩解说自己已经知道错了，当时还死不承认孩子是他的，估计他以后想东山再起不太容易。咱不是说，犯错不要紧，最重要的是要知错能改，给错误找借口在什么情况下都是最不招人待见的行为。

ashley dupre 应召女郎阿什丽·杜普雷

这位一小时收费1000美金的应召女郎直到在电视上看到纽约议员斯皮策辞职的新闻才知道她的“第九号客人”是谁。她对采访她的媒体说，当她在电视上看到斯皮策的妻子西尔达面容苍白，尽职地站在斯皮策的旁边时，她觉得很受触动。

when i think about his speech, i think of her face, her eyes, the hurt.当我想到他的讲话，我就会想到她的脸、她的眼睛、她受到的伤害。

在采访中，她对西尔达说：im sorry for your pain.对你受到的伤害，我很抱歉。这件事情虽然让斯皮策声名狼藉，不过这个姑娘却从此交了好运。有人找她出书，有人找她拍电影，歌曲量下载暴增，财运滚滚而来。

篇五：克林顿总统演说i have sinned的中文稿

这是克林顿总统于1998年9月11日星期五在一年一度的白宫祝福早餐会上发表的演说。地点是东室。当时在座的有各部部长、牧师和其它宗教界领袖等超过100名听众。第一夫人希拉里也在场。

当天，独立检察官斯塔尔发表对国会的第一手报告，此事使克林顿陷入政治和私人的巨大的危机。这篇由克林顿起草的演说就是在那天早上发表的。

斯塔尔的报告引起对总统的弹劾。克林顿被起诉作伪证，防碍司法公正和掩饰其与莫尼卡·莱温斯基的性关系有关的一系列罪状。在演说中，克林顿提及到莱温斯基，并且第一次向她道歉。

译文

非常感谢，女士们先生们，欢迎今天来到白宫。这一天是希拉里，副总统和我每年都殷切盼望的日子。

这始终是我国重要的一天，原因副总统已经说过了。而且我认为，今天是一个不寻常的，异常重要的日子。我今天所说的话可能不会像过去几年的话说得那么轻松。我昨晚一直到很晚才睡，我在思考，在祈祷我今天应该说些什么。对我来说很不寻常的是，实际上我试图把它写了下来。所以，如果你原谅我，我将尽力把自己想对你们说的话全部说出来——我把我的眼镜戴上，读我自己写的。

首先，我要告诉你们所有人，你们也想象得出，为了到达今天这种情形，为了说出事实的真相，我这几个星期以来过得很不容易。

有人说在我作证之后的第一声明当中，我没有表现出足够的悔过之心，这一点我同意。承认“我犯了过失”并非是一件美妙的事情。

我希望所有曾经受到伤害的人都知道我现在真诚地感到悲哀，这对我来说很重要。首先，最重要的是我的家庭，还有我的朋友，工作人员，我的内阁，还有莫尼卡·莱温斯基和她的家人，还有美国人民。我请求得到他们所有人的原谅。但我知道，要得到原谅，仅表示“感到悲哀”是不够的——至少还要有两样东西。首先是真诚的悔过——要有决心去改变和修补我一手造成的裂痕。我已经悔过了。其次是圣经上称作的破碎的精神，我理解要成为想要成为的人，我必须得到上帝的帮助。我必须原谅别人，就像我希望得到原谅一样。我必须放弃骄傲和愤怒，因为骄傲和愤怒蒙蔽了正确的判断，使得人们去寻找借口，去作比较，去责备和去抱怨。

现在这一切对我个人和我们大家来说意味着什么？首先，我会指示我的律师进行强有力的辩护，运用所有恰当的论据。但是法律用语不能掩盖我的确犯了过失的事实。其次，我会继续我的忏悔的道路，寻求宗教支持，寻求所有关心我的人的支持，他们会让我对自己的承诺负责。

第三，我会加倍努力领导我们的国家，使我们国家和整个世界向着和平自由，繁荣和谐的方向发展。我希望，凭着“破碎的精神”和一颗强壮的心，我可以作更大贡献。因为我们有许多祝福，许多挑战和许多工作要做。

在这方面，我恳请得到你们的祈祷和你们的帮助，治愈我们的国家。我不能超越或忘记这一点——事实上，我必须把这一点作为我生命中的指示灯——我们国家必须向前发展，这一点很重要。

我对许多人都充满感激之情，不管是牧师还是普通公民，他们写给我充满智慧的建议。我深深地感谢美国人民的支持，至始至终，他们似乎依然知道，我非常在乎他们，我关心他们的问题和他们的梦想。我感谢那些一贯支持我的人，他们认为在这次事件和其它许多事件中，隐私权都遭到过分的无理侵犯。他们似乎有道理。但是，在这个事件中，这可能只是他们的好意。因为我确实犯了过失。如果我保持一份真诚的悔过之情。如果我保持一个破碎的精神和一颗强壮的心，那么，对我们国家，对我以及我的家庭都会带来好处。

（掌声）

我们国家的儿童可以深刻地体会到诚实是重要的而自私是错误的。但上帝能改变我们，能让我们在折断的地方强壮起来。孩子们应吸取这些教训。我愿意成为这些教训的化身。在佛罗里达州有一个小男孩，走近来对我说长大后他也要当总统，和我一样。我希望美国所有父母都能对他们的孩子这样说。

几天前，当我在佛罗里达州，我的一个犹太朋友给了我本礼拜书，被称为“ 忏悔门”，在“赎罪日’里有这样一段令人难以置信的文字，我想读给你听： 现在是转变的时候。树叶在开始从绿色变成红色，再变成橙色。鸟儿开始转变，它们再次飞向南方。动物也开始在为冬季储存他们的食物。对树叶，鸟类和动物来说，转变来自本能。但对我们来说，转变不是那么容易的。它需要我们的意志来使行为发生转变。这意味着打破旧习惯。这意味着承认，我们已经错了，这是不容易的。这意味着丢面子。这意味着重新开始。这始终是痛苦的。这意味着说对不起。这意味着承认我们有能力改变。这些东西是非常难做到的。但是，除非我们转变，不然我们将永远无法摆脱往日的习气。上帝帮助我们转变，从麻木不仁到敏感细腻，从敌对到爱，从鸡毛蒜皮的小事到理想目的，从羡慕到知足，从漫不经心到遵守纪律，从恐惧到信仰。让我们转过身，上帝阿，让我们回归向你。让我们的生命开始复苏，就像生命刚开始的时候一样，让我们转向彼此，上帝，因为隔离，就没有生命。

我感谢我的朋友。我感谢你们来到这里。我请你们与我一起祈祷，让上帝审视我并了解我的心，考验我并了解我的思想，看看我内心有无伤害别人的本质，然后带领我走向永生。我请求上帝给我一颗洁静的心，让我凭着信仰前行而不是凭着视力行走。

我再次请求，让我能再次爱我身边的人——所有的生活在我身边的人——就像爱我自己一样。让我成为和平的使者。让我口中所说，心中所想和手中所做的事情都让人愉快。这就是我今天要对你们说的话。

谢谢。上帝保佑你们。