麦克阿瑟告别演讲译文（共5篇）

第一篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲译文

麦克阿瑟告别演讲

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.总统先生，议长先生，尊敬的国会议员们：

我站在主席台前，感到深深的惶恐和无比的骄傲。惶恐的是在我之前已经有很多美国历史的伟大建筑师们站到了这里给我的压力；骄傲的是这个立法辩论的圣地代表的人类创造的最纯的自由的彰显。整个人类的信仰、热望和希望都汇集于此。我不想作为任何党派事业的倡导站在这里，因为这些问题举足轻重、意义深远非政党考虑所能涵盖。如果我们的事业要保持健全，我们的未来要有保证，那么这些问题必须在国家利益的高度解决。因此，我希望你们能公正地接受我作为一个美国公民提出的肺腑之言。

I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot pide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can pide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.我的讲话里既没有因烈士暮年而充满积怨，也没有尖酸刻薄，有的是一颗赤胆忠心：报效国家。这些问题是全球性的，如此错综复杂，以至于考虑一个领域的各种问题，明显地对其它领域的问题，是不折不扣的引火烧身。当亚洲被公认为欧洲的门口时，欧洲同样被认为是亚洲的门口，对一方的广泛影响，不可能不是对另一方的影响。一些人声称我们的实力不足以应对两条战线，我们要反击这种观点。共产主义的威胁是全球性的。它在一个领域的成功有摧毁其它任何领域的威胁。你无法在亚洲讨好或投降共产主义而不动摇在欧洲阻止共产主义的努力。

Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, inpidual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.除了指出这些不言自明的事，我想把讨论局限于亚洲。任何人在有意研究那里目前的局面之前，他应该深刻了解亚洲的过去和她走向当今的进程在里程碑式的革命性变革。长期受到所谓的殖民主义国家的剥削，几乎没有获得任何程度的社会公正和个人尊严或高生活水平的机会，这些是我们在菲律宾的高尚管理的指南，亚洲各国人民发现他们打破殖民主义桎楛的机会在战争中失去，他们看到了新机会的曙光，迄今还没有感觉到的尊严和政治自由的自尊。

Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.拥有世界一半的人口和60%的自然资源，这些人们正在快速的形成道义和自然意义上的新势力，他们用这个力量提高生活水平和把现代进步的理念融入他们的独特的文化环境。不管谁固守殖民主义的思潮与否，这是亚洲进步的方向，任何人都无法阻挡。这是世界经济前沿转变的必然结果。当今国际事务的中心就是世界经济的前沿又一次回到它的出发点。In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.在这种情况下，使我们国家的政策与这种基本的演变形势相一致而不是对殖民地现在已经成为过去，亚洲各个民族都在追求打造自己的自主命运的权力这个事实视而不见。他们现在追求的是友好的指导、理解和帮助—而不是飞扬跋扈的命令—平等的尊严而不是征服的耻辱。他们在战前的生活标准十分悲惨，现在在战争留下的废墟中更加雪上加霜。国际意识形态在亚洲人的思维里几乎不起作用，而且也不被理解。各个民族追求的只不过是肚子里多一点点食物的几乎，身上穿着好一点的衣服，头顶上更加坚固的屋顶以及普通民族主义者的政治自由的愿望可以实现。这些政治的-社会的形势只不过间接地影响我国的安全，但是如果我们要躲过非现实主义的陷阱，我们就不得不认真考虑他们构成的当前计划的背景。Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.直接和当下就影响我们的国家安全的是形成战后太平洋战略潜力的各种变化。美国的西部战略前沿位于美洲的多边边界，和在此之外延伸到夏威夷、中途岛、关岛直到菲律宾群岛的一个岛链。事实证明这个突出的岛链不是坚固的前哨，而是敌人能够也曾经沿着此攻击的防守薄弱的通道。

The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vlapostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vlapostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.太平洋曾经是企图攻击沿岸国家的侵略成性的国家的必争之地。我们在太平洋的胜利改变了一切。我们的战略前沿也从此转移的了整个太平洋，只要我们控制了太平洋，它就成了我们的无边的护城河。的确，它起着所有美洲国家和太平洋沿岸自由国家防卫之盾的作用。我们与我们的自由世界盟友通过一个从阿留申群岛到马里亚纳群岛的岛链控制着直到太平洋与亚洲海岸相接的广漠水域。由这个岛链我们通过海、空军遏制着从海参崴到新加坡的所有港口—如我所说，每个港口—从海参崴到新加坡—防止任何敌对势力进入太平洋。

*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.*任何来自亚洲的侵略性攻击只能是两栖作战。*没有任何两栖作战能够在没有进攻路线上的制海权和制空权的前提下成功。我们有海、空军的绝对优势和足够的地面作战力量保卫所有基地，任何来自亚洲大陆的对我们或我们的盟友的重点进攻都将以失败告终。

Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.在这样的条件下，太平洋不再是未来的敌人进攻我们的危险的通衢。恰恰相反，成了充满友谊的内湖。有了这个天然的防线我们的军事努力和开支就可以降到最低水平。这里没有针对任何一方的进攻，也不会为任何进攻行动提供必需的堡垒，有的是适度维系的抵御任何进攻的固若金汤的防线。掌握这个西太平洋的多边防线完全取决于掌握各个防线；因为任何一段防线被一个不友好的势力突破将使任何其它主要防线受到攻击的危险。

This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.这个军事评估我一直在等待一个军事领导人提出异议。因此我过去极力强调一个特急军事情况，就是无论如何情况下，台湾都不能落入共产党人的手里。这个不测事件一旦发生将立刻威胁到菲律宾的自由和日本的丧失，并且可能迫使我们把西部防线撤退到加利福尼亚州、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州海岸。

To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups pided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.为了理解中国大陆现在发生的巨变，你必须理解在过去的五十年里中国人的秉性和文化发生的巨变。中国，直到五十年前，还是彻头彻尾的一盘散沙，被互相争斗的军阀们各自割据。对外发动战争的倾向几乎没有，因为他们仍然信奉孔夫子的“和为贵”教义。在世纪之交，在张作霖的统治下，进一步统一国家的运动促成了民族主义者的壮大。在蒋介石的领导下这种统一取得了巨大的成功，导致的最大的后果就是在当今的政府领导下演变成了一种颇具统治和侵略倾向的民族主义秉性。

Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.在过去的五十年里，中国人民的观念和理想都军事化了。他们现在组成了拥有出色的指挥和参谋人员和最精锐的士兵的军队。这创造了亚洲的新的统治性的大国，它为了自己的利益与苏联结盟但坚持他们自己的观念和方法，已经成了侵略性的帝国。它的强军扩张的野心符合这类帝国主义。

There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.无论这样还是那样看，在中国人的秉性里几乎没有任何意识形态观念。他们的生活水平极低，资本积累在战争中灰飞烟灭，广大民众因此奋不顾身地追随任何可能把他们解救出当地桎酷的领导。

I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.我从开始就认为中国共产党人对北朝鲜的支持是占优的。他们在北朝鲜的利益在今天不亚于苏联。但是我认为他们最近显示的侵略性不仅在朝鲜而且还在印度支那和西藏，潜在的锋芒直指能南方，强力彰显了有史以来任何可能的征服者都具有的扩张国力的野心。

The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of inpidual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.日本人民，自战争时起，一直开展历史上最伟大的改革。他们有令人啧啧称赞的学习的意志和热望，出色的理解力，在战争的废墟上，建立了一个给国民最大个体自由和人身尊严的大厦；随后他们有建立了真正的人民代表组成的政府，致力于政治道德的进步、经济实体的自由和社会的公平。Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation pisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.在政治、经济和社会上日本已经可以和地球上的很多自由国家比肩了，不会再次辜负国际社会的信任了。或许寄希望于日本在亚洲的事务中发挥深远的有益影响已经被日本人民在应对最近的战争、**和纠缠他们的来自外部和内部被控制的共产主义的困惑的挑战中没有丝毫放缓进步的步伐的惊人表现所证明了。我把我们的四个占领师全部投入韩国前线没有一点对造成日本军力真空的影响的担忧。这些结果完全证实了我的信念。我知道没有任何国家比日本更加沉着、守序和勤奋，也没有哪个国家能在人类的进步中怀有更高的未来建设性的服务的希望。Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.关于我们的庇护国菲律宾，我们满怀信心地期待当前的动荡得到平息，一个强大健康的国家摆脱战争的严重破坏的后续影响，发展起来。我们一定要耐心、理解而且永远不能辜负他们—如同在我们需要的时候，他们没有辜负我们一样。作为一个基督国家，菲律宾是一个基督精神在远东的坚强堡垒，它在亚洲的崇高道德领导能力不可限量。

On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.在台湾，中华民国政府曾经有机会用行动驳斥大多数恶意的舆论，这些舆论侵蚀了国民党在中国大陆的领导力量。台湾人民将接受一个公正的开明的政府，这个政府具备政府的大多数功能，在政治、经济和社会上正在沿着健全和建设性的路线前进。

With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.带着这个对周边地区的简要洞悉，我现在转到韩战。虽然总统做出旨在支持大韩民国的军事干预的决定并没有与我商量，从军事观点来看，这个决定是正确的，因为我们击退了入侵者，大量杀伤了他的部队。当红色中国以绝对优势的地面部队干预时，我们的胜利是彻底的，我们的目标已经达到。

This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.这创造了一场全新的战争和彻头彻尾的新形势，一个我们的军队投身于抵御北韩侵略者时没有预料到的形势；一个在外交领域做出想决策以便赢得时间做出现实的军事战略调整的形势。这样的决策始终没有做出。

While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.虽然没有一个头脑冷静的人会提出派我们的地面部队入侵中国大陆，甚至一点这样的念头都没有，但是如果我们的政治目的是如同我们过去击败老对手一样击败这个新敌人，新形势的确迫切地需要果断的战略规划修改。

Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.在我看来，除了把鸭绿江以北的敌人的避难所中立化的军事需要，我觉得指挥一场战争的紧迫性必须：首先强化对中国的经济封锁；其次，部署海军对中国海岸进行封锁；第三，撤销对中国沿海地区和满洲里地区的空中侦察的限制；第四，撤销对在台湾的中华民国军队的限制，这只军队及其后勤支援可以有效地投入打击我们共同的敌人的军事行动。

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.因为维护所有这些观点，这些观点都是精心设计的旨在支持我们投入韩国的部队和结束敌对状态，而且延迟最少，可以挽救无数美国和盟国军人的生命，我一直受到严厉的批评，他们指责我到处画圈子，主要是在国外，尽管我对这些观点从军事角度的理解在过去事实上一直被任何关注韩战的军事领导人所赞同，包括参谋长联席会议。

I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.我要求增援，都是得到的回答是无法增援。我阐明了如果不允许摧毁敌人在鸭绿江北的基地，如果不允许利用台湾的 600，000中国友军，不允许封锁中国的海岸防止红色中国得到他们没有的援助，如果主要的增援遥遥无期，从军事角度看，盟军司令部的地位就会封杀了胜利。

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.我可以通过持续的军事行动在我们的优势补给线与敌人的劣势补给线持平的地区附近控制韩国，但是我们可能最多只能取得一些微不足道的胜利，而一旦敌人倾注全力我们的部队就会卷入可怕的持久的消耗战。我一直在谋求彻底解决的政治决定。

Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: 很多人不遗余力的诋毁我的立场。他们说事实上我是一个战争贩子。事实胜于雄辩。几乎没有活着的人对战争的理解能达到我对战争的理解程度，我最痛恨的就是战争。我长期以来致力于彻底消除战争，因为只要诉诸战争，无论敌我双方都会遭到毁灭性打击，使它对解决国际争端毫无作用。的确，在一九四五年九月二日，日本国在密苏里号战舰上的投降仪式刚刚结束，我就正式提出下列忠告： “Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as inpidual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 202_ years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.” 自从盘古开天地，人类一直在追寻和平。多少个世纪以来，人们尝试了无数的方法构建一个国际程序防止和解决国与国之间的争端。从一开始人们就找到了可行的解决人与人之间关系的方法，但是借助国际范围的解决机制从来没有成功的。军事结盟，力量制衡，国家联盟相继失败，留下的唯一方法就是战争的考验。战争的极大破坏性勾勒了这个替代方法。我们还有最后一次机会。如果我们不能构建一些更加有力更加平等的系统，世界末日大决战必将到来。这个问题从根本上讲是神学性质的涉及精神和人类品性的改进，这个改进是与我们在科学、艺术、文学的近乎无与伦比的进步和过去2，000年来所有物质的和文化的进化同步的。如果我们要拯救血肉之躯，就必须具备这种精神。

There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.一些人出于各种原因姑息红色中国。他们对清晰的历史教训视而不见，因为历史毋庸置疑地强调姑息绥靖只能是导致新的流血战争。历史上没有一个例子证明为了这个目的可以不择手段，所有的例子都是姑息绥靖导致的屈辱的和平。和敲诈勒索一样，它滋生新的欲壑难填的要求，如同敲诈勒索一样，直到动用唯一的另外选择—暴力。

“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.我的一个士兵问我：“为什么要把战场上的军事优势拱手让给一个敌人？”我无言以对。

有些人可能说：避免把冲突扩大为与中国的全面战争；另一些可能说避免苏联干预。没有一个解释成立，因为中国已经投入了他们的全部军力，苏联没必要和我们直接冲突。就像一条眼镜蛇，任何新的敌人极有可能在他认为他们在世界范围内有军事或其它潜在的优势时发动战争。

The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.把军事行动限制在韩国领土进一步加剧了韩国的悲剧。全面的海空狂轰滥炸的摧枯拉朽的破坏力捣毁了我们要保护的国家，而我们的敌人的栖身之地却安然无恙。

Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.在全世界所有的国家中，迄今为止只有韩国倾其举国之力抵御共产主义。韩国人民的勇气和坚毅是语言难以描述的。

They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” 他们选择了死亡而不是当奴隶。他们给我的最后一句话是：“不要放弃太平洋！” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.我把你们英勇善战的儿女们留住了韩国。他们在那里接受了所有的考验，我可以毫无保留地告诉你们，他们在任何方面都表现得灿烂辉煌。It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.我一直致力于保护他们，以最短的时间和最小的牺牲来体面地结束这场残酷的冲突。日益增长的流血牺牲令我痛苦不堪、寝食难安。

这些仗义豪爽的优秀儿女们时常萦绕在我的心头，我永远为他们祈祷。I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” 我52年的军旅生涯即将结束。当我从军时，还没有到世纪之交，它是我全部儿时的梦想和希望的实现。自从我在西点军校的操场上庄严宣誓以来，世界已经发生了翻天覆地的变化，这些希望和梦想早已灰飞烟灭了，但是我仍然记得那时一首最流行的军营歌谣的副歌：“老兵永远不死；他们仅仅是淡出了。” And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.正如那首歌谣中的老兵，我现在结束我的军旅生涯并且淡出，因为上帝还给他光芒让他看见天职，这个老兵就试图履行了他的天职。再见。

第二篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”中英文

英文全文如下: Old soldiers never die, they just fade away

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot pide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can pide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, inpidual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vlapostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vlapostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups pided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of inpidual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation pisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:

“Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as inpidual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system，Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 202_ years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.”

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!”

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文

总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们：我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。

我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。

说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。

集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。这是世界金融尖端转变的必然结果，就像整个世界事物的中心正循环着回到它的起始点。

在这种形势之下，我们用基本发展的状况使自己国家和东方国家在政策上保持和谐而不是一味追求不明现实的路线，因为殖民时代已经过去且亚洲人正为实现他们自由的命运而垂延。他们当今寻求的是友好的指引、协议、和支持——而不是专横的引导——是平等尊严而不是耻辱地屈从。他们战前的生活标准低得令人同情，现在又因战争所带来的破坏而变得更加无限的低。世界的意识形态几乎不把亚洲考虑在内，不给予他们体谅。那儿的人民为之拼命的只是为了能得到更多一点食物来填饱肚子，有稍好一点的衣物来遮背，盖结实些的屋顶在他们的头上，和普通国民们渴望政治自由的意识。这些政治社会性的条件为国内安全给予了间接的保障，不过要对慎重考虑过的现时方案建立背景来决定我们是否要避免不切实际的意外事件。

能直系和快速地稳固住国内安全的是过去太平洋战争路线战略上的改变。先前的美国西面战略部署是美国原本线路，附和着暴露的岛屿夏威夷、中途岛、关岛通向菲律宾。这种战线证明了不是敌方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱点使敌人有机可乘太平洋地区是个令任何强国都虎视眈眈谋求发展和扩张领土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋战争的胜利改变了，我们那具有战略意义的边界才成为我们所拥有的整个太平洋，只要我们能够抓住它便能使其成为巨大的护城河。千真万确，它充当的是所有美国乃至整个太平洋自由领土的护盾。我们控制亚洲成弧形链状海岸线的岛屿从琉球到马尼拉都受我们和盟军控制。由这诸些岛屿我们能支配从海参葳到新加坡亚洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所说的——从海参葳到新加坡——保护并抵御太平洋上不友好的动机。

在亚洲任何凶狠的进攻都必须具备两股力量。无任何两种力量能在没有海洋和空中的掌控权之下在推进道路上取得成功。有了海军、重要的空军和适度的陆军来保卫基地，任何对亚洲大陆的以及我们和我们在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻击都必将逃不了失败的厄运。

在如此状况下，太平洋代表的不仅仅是预想中的侵略者的一种威胁。假定那里是个友好的和平湖畔，我们的防御路线就十分自然而且可花费最小的军事代价来维持。想象没有任何袭击，也用不着为突袭性的攻击而设置堡垒，只要适当维护，这将是抵制侵略的不可战胜的防御。

在西太平洋上想拥有这种防御力因此要依赖各个部分，因为不友好的力量导致的任何线路破裂都会遭来每个部分在有预谋的攻击下变得十分脆弱。

这是我仍在寻找的要接替我的军事领头者应当持有的军事评估。因为这个原因，我过去强烈地推荐自己，成为一个至关重要的军事代理，没有稳固的经济基础台湾就只能在共产主义的掌控下。这样一个世界有可能立刻就威胁到菲律宾和失败后的日本的自由，也会迫使我们西方的防守边界退到加利福尼亚沿岸、奥勒岗和华盛顿。

要了解中国大陆所发生的变化，就必须知道50年来中国体制和文化的变化。中国，50年前是完全没有团结意识，分裂成很多团体互相争斗。经过过去的五十年中国人开始有了武装的概念和理想。如今他们组成了拥有胜任的参谋长和司令的优秀士兵团体。这就在亚洲诞生了一股新的统治力量，为了实现自己的目标，他们与观念方法都成了具帝国主义的苏联结盟，同时他们也带着扩张领土、增强实力的渴望趋向帝国主义。

他们都使用精力来扭曲我的职位。结果我被说成了是个好战分子。没有事物能够越加远离真理。我明白现在活着的人当中几乎没多少能真正了解战争，没有比这更令我心情不悦的了。因为对朋友和敌人带来的破坏已经致使一系列国际上的争论都毫无用处，我倡导这项废除令很久了。事实上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本国在密苏里号战舰上投降后，我正式警告如下：

“人类从一开始就寻求和平。不同的时代各式各样的方法都被用来设计国际性的进程，来平息和解国与国之间的争论。有许多可行性的方法是被个别的公民发掘的，但是在一个巨大的国际范围中，技术工人用单一的手段还从未成功过。军事的联盟，实力的平衡，国家的结盟，轮流着失败，留下这唯一的路径来当作战争的严酷考验。战争带来的整个破坏现在产生了二选一。我们只有最后的机会。如果我们我们不能设计出一些更好更公平的制度，大决战将近在咫尺。问题是神奇的，它涉及到一种精神的再生和人类性格的改进，将与我们在科学、艺术、文学及所有物质文化202_年来的发展近乎史无前例的同步进展。如果我们要保存肉体就必须有精神作支撑。”

但是一旦战争逼迫着我们发生，那就没有选择的尽力使战争尽快结束。战争的目的是为了胜利，而不是为了无休止的延长。战争中没有东西能代替胜利。有一些人因为各种原因要安慰红色中国。他们无视历史的教训，因为历史无庸质疑地强调了抚慰只能招致更血性的战争。就像敲诈勒索，它爆发于连续不断的新的需求，在威胁中，暴力成为了仅存的另外选择。“为什么？”我的士兵问我，“难道要我们在战场上放弃对敌人的优势？”我无言以对。

有人会说：和中国携手进行一次全力以赴的战争来避免冲突的传播；另外，要避免苏联的干涉。似乎没有一种解释是有效的，因为中国已经表明有了最大限度的影响力，且苏联不会迎合我们的步伐。就如一条眼镜蛇，当新的敌人感到军事上的相互依存或者别的遍及世界的潜在诱惑，他们就很可能会发动进攻。

事实使韩国的悲剧更为加深了，军事行动缩小了他们的国界。那个我们要拯救的国家、他们要饱受整个海军和空军毁灭性的对抗，然而敌人的地盘却在如此的攻击和破坏之下全全得到保护，这是受到谴责的。在世界上所有的国家中，韩国是仅存的唯一冒险反对共产主义的国家。韩国人民巨大的勇气和刚毅拒绝描述。比起奴隶身份他们情愿选择了拼死。他们对我留下的最后一句话是：“决不能逃离太平洋！”我只为你们留下了英勇善战的儿子们。他们在那遇到了各种各样的考验，我会毫无保留地向你们汇报他们在每个方面都很出色。

我持久地尽我所能去保护他们光荣地结束这场野蛮的冲突，并且要花费最少的时间，付出最小的牺牲。那些日趋增长的杀戮给我带来了极度的痛苦和忧虑。那些勇敢的人们永久地留在我的脑海中以及我的祈祷文里。

我即将结束我52年的戎马生涯了。还在本世纪开始前当我加入陆军时，我孩提时代所有的希望和梦想便实现了。自从我在西点广场上虔诚地宣誓以来，世界已几经倾覆，希望和梦想也早已消失，但我仍记得那时最流行的一首军歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布：

“老兵永远不死，他们只是悄然隐去。”

像那首歌中的老兵一样，我作为一名在上帝的光辉下尽心尽职的老兵，现在结束我的军事生涯，悄然隐去。再见。

第三篇：麦克阿瑟西点军校演讲（精选）

DutyHonorCountry

“Duty”“honor”“country”---thosethreehallowedwordsreverentlydictatewhat youwanttobe,whatyoucan be,whatyouwillbe。They areyourallyingpoint to

buildcouragewhencourageseemstofail,toregainfaithwhenthereseemsto

belittlecauseforfaith,tocreatehopewhenhopebecomesforlorn.Unhappily,Ipossess neitherthateloquenceofdiction ,thatpoetry ofimagination,northatbrillianceofmetaphortotellyouallthattheymean,Thesearesomeofthethingstheybuild, Theybuildyour basic

character ,Theymold you foryourfuture rolesas the custodians ofthe nation's defense, They make you strong enough to knowwhen you are weak,and brave enough to face yourselfwhen you are afraid,Theyteach youtobeproudandunbendinginhonestfailure,but humble andgentle in success;nottoosubstitutewords for action;not to seek the the path ofcomfort,butto face the stress andspur of difficulty challenge;to learnto standupin the storm,but to have

compassiononthosewhofall;to masteryourself before you seek to master others;to have a heart that is clean,a goal that is high;to learn to

laugh,yet never forget how toweep;to reach in to the future ,yet never neglect the past;to be serious,yet never take yourself too seriously;tobe

modestsothat you willrememberthesimplicity oftrue

greatness,theopenmind oftruewisdom,the meeknessoftrue

strength.Theyteachyouinthis wayto beanofficer andan gentleman.责任荣誉国家

责任、荣誉、国家---这三个神圣的词语，虔敬的告诉你们想成为什么，你们能成为什么，你们会成为什么。他们是你们重振旗鼓的据点，在勇气似乎消逝之时寻回勇气，在信心渺茫是重拾信心，在希望沦为绝望时创造希望。不幸的是我没有雄辩的口才，没有充满想象的诗篇，也没有富含技巧的隐喻去说明它们的全部含义。

它们构建了一些东西，它们构建了你的基本人格。它们把你们塑造成未来的国防守护人。它们让你坚强的知道自己何时软弱，让你勇敢到在畏惧时敢于面对自己。

它们教导你：在失败是保持自尊和坚定，在成功时保持谦卑和温和，不以空言代替行动；不寻坦途，而是面对困境的压力，以及挑战的鞭策；学习在暴风雨中屹立，但是对跌倒的人寄予同情；在你想控制别人之前先控制自己；有纯洁的心又高尚的目标；学会欢笑，但永不忘记何时哭泣；走向未来，永不忽视过去，严肃，但永远不要把自己看的太过认真；谦虚，以便你能记得真伟大的单纯，真智慧的开明，真力量的温驯。就这样，他们教导你即是军士又是绅士。

第四篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲稿：老兵不死(中英文)

麦克阿瑟告别演讲稿：老兵不死（中英文）

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死（英文版）

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot pide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can pide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, inpidual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vlapostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vlapostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups pided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of inpidual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation pisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we--as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as inpidual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter

destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 202_ years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死（中文版）总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们：我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。这是世界金融尖端转变的必然结果，就像整个世界事物的中心正循环着回到它的起始点。在这种形势之下，我们用基本发展的状况使自己国家和东方国家在政策上保持和谐而不是一味追求不明现实的路线，因为殖民时代已经过去且亚洲人正为实现他们自由的命运而垂延。他们当今寻求的是友好的指引、协议、和支持——而不是专横的引导——是平等尊严而不是耻辱地屈从。他们战前的生活标准低得令人同情，现在又因战争所带来的破坏而变得更加无限的低。世界的意识形态几乎不把亚洲考虑在内，不给予他们体谅。那儿的人民为之拼命的只是为了能得到更多一点食物来填饱肚子，有稍好一点的衣物来遮背，盖结实些的屋顶在他们的头上，和普通国民们渴望政治自由的意识。这些政治社会性的条件为国内安全给予了间接的保障，不过要对慎重考虑过的现时方案建立背景来决定我们是否要避免不切实际的意外事件。能直系和快速地稳固住国内安全的是过去太平洋战争路线战略上的改变。先前的美国西面战略部署是美国原本线路，附和着暴露的岛屿夏威夷、中途岛、关岛通向菲律宾。这种战线证明了不是敌方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱点使敌人有机可乘太平洋地区是个令任何强国都虎视眈眈谋求发展和扩张领土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋战争的胜利改变了，我们那具有战略意义的边界才成为我们所拥有的整个太平洋，只要我们能够抓住它便能使其成为巨大的护城河。千真万确，它充当的是所有美国乃至整个太平洋自由领土的护盾。我们控制亚洲成弧形链状海岸线的岛屿从琉球到马尼拉都受我们和盟军控制。由这诸些岛屿我们能支配从海参葳到新加坡亚洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所说的——从海参葳到新加坡——保护并抵御太平洋上不友好的动机。在亚洲任何凶狠的进攻都必须具备两股力量。无任何两种力量能在没有海洋和空中的掌控权之下在推进道路上取得成功。有了海军、重要的空军和适度的陆军来保卫基地，任何对亚洲大陆的以及我们和我们在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻击都必将逃不了失败的厄运。在如此状况下，太平洋代表的不仅仅是预想中的侵略者的一种威胁。假定那里是个友好的和平湖畔，我们的防御路线就十分自然而且可花费最小的军事代价来维持。想象没有任何袭击，也用不着为突袭性的攻击而设置堡垒，只要适当维护，这将是抵制侵略的不可战胜的防御。在西太平洋上想拥有这种防御力因此要依赖各个部分，因为不友好的力量导致的任何线路破裂都会遭来每个部分在有预谋的攻击下变得十分脆弱。这是我仍在寻找的要接替我的军事领头者应当持有的军事评估。因为这个原因，我过去强烈地推荐自己，成为一个至关重要的军事代理，没有稳固的经济基础台湾就只能在共产主义的掌控下。这样一个世界有可能立刻就威胁到菲律宾和失败后的日本的自由，也会迫使我们西方的防守边界退到加利福尼亚沿岸、奥勒岗和华盛顿。要了解中国大陆所发生的变化，就必须知道50年来中国体制和文化的变化。中国，50年前是完全没有团结意识，分裂成很多团体互相争斗。经过过去的五十年中国人开始有了武装的概念和理想。如今他们组成了拥有胜任的参谋长和司令的优秀士兵团体。这就在亚洲诞生了一股新的统治力量，为了实现自己的目标，他们与观念方法都成了具帝国主义的苏联结盟，同时他们也带着扩张领土、增强实力的渴望趋向帝国主义。他们都使用精力来扭曲我的职位。结果我被说成了是个好战分子。没有事物能够越加远离真理。我明白现在活着的人当中几乎没多少能真正了解战争，没有比这更令我心情不悦的了。因为对朋友和敌人带来的破坏已经致使一系列国际上的争论都毫无用处，我倡导这项废除令很久了。事实上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本国在密苏里号战舰上投降后，我正式警告如下： “人类从一开始就寻求和平。不同的时代各式各样的方法都被用来设计国际性的进程，来平息和解国与国之间的争论。有许多可行性的方法是被个别的公民发掘的，但是在一个巨大的国际范围中，技术工人用单一的手段还从未成功过。军事的联盟，实力的平衡，国家的结盟，轮流着失败，留下这唯一的路径来当作战争的严酷考验。战争带来的整个破坏现在产生了二选一。我们只有最后的机会。如果我们我们不能设计出一些更好更公平的制度，大决战将近在咫尺。问题是神奇的，它涉及到一种精神的再生和人类性格的改进，将与我们在科学、艺术、文学及所有物质文化202_年来的发展近乎史无前例的同步进展。如果我们要保存肉体就必须有精神作支撑。” 但是一旦战争逼迫着我们发生，那就没有选择的尽力使战争尽快结束。战争的目的是为了胜利，而不是为了无休止的延长。战争中没有东西能代替胜利。有一些人因为各种原因要安慰红色中国。他们无视历史的教训，因为历史无庸质疑地强调了抚慰只能招致更血性的战争。就像敲诈勒索，它爆发于连续不断的新的需求，在威胁中，暴力成为了仅存的另外选择。“为什么？”我的士兵问我，“难道要我们在战场上放弃对敌人的优势？”我无言以对。有人会说：和中国携手进行一次全力以赴的战争来避免冲突的传播；另外，要避免苏联的干涉。似乎没有一种解释是有效的，因为中国已经表明有了最大限度的影响力，且苏联不会迎合我们的步伐。就如一条眼镜蛇，当新的敌人感到军事上的相互依存或者别的遍及世界的潜在诱惑，他们就很可能会发动进攻。事实使韩国的悲剧更为加深了，军事行动缩小了他们的国界。那个我们要拯救的国家、他们要饱受整个海军和空军毁灭性的对抗，然而敌人的地盘却在如此的攻击和破坏之下全全得到保护，这是受到谴责的。在世界上所有的国家中，韩国是仅存的唯一冒险反对共产主义的国家。韩国人民巨大的勇气和刚毅拒绝描述。比起奴隶身份他们情愿选择了拼死。他们对我留下的最后一句话是：“决不能逃离太平洋！”我只为你们留下了英勇善战的儿子们。他们在那遇到了各种各样的考验，我会毫无保留地向你们汇报他们在每个方面都很出色。我持久地尽我所能去保护他们光荣地结束这场野蛮的冲突，并且要花费最少的时间，付出最小的牺牲。那些日趋增长的杀戮给我带来了极度的痛苦和忧虑。那些勇敢的人们永久地留在我的脑海中以及我的祈祷文里。我即将结束我52年的戎马生涯了。还在本世纪开始前当我加入陆军时，我孩提时代所有的希望和梦想便实现了。自从我在西点广场上虔诚地宣誓以来，世界已几经倾覆，希望和梦想也早已消失，但我仍记得那时最流行的一首军歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布： “老兵永远不死，他们只是悄然隐去。” 像那首歌中的老兵一样，我作为一名在上帝的光辉下尽心尽职的老兵，现在结束我的军事生涯，悄然隐去。再见。

第五篇：麦克阿瑟

《麦克阿瑟》读后感

«麦克阿瑟»

小时候，麦克阿瑟和哥哥打架，他的父亲坐在沙发上看而不管，“让孩子们自己想办法去解决矛盾，或者和谈，或者动武，总之是他们之间的事，要是插手太多，会使他们觉得自尊心受挫，况且要体魄强壮的男子汉不打架是不可能的”

这是什么道理？大人的一种态度吧。或许就是这种教育方式成就了道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟的性格以及他的不朽的成就吧！我小时候也是这样，每次和妹妹打架，老爸都在旁边拱火，这一次寒假回家，老妈解释说，如果不是那样，我就不会得到锻炼，知道现在都会是一副挨欺负的样子。汗！或许是这样吧，只是和人家麦克阿瑟咋就查那么多呢。

西点军校

西点军校即美国陆军学院，因其校址在纽约附近的西点而得名。该校成立于1802年7月4日，是美国的第一所军事学院，学员毕业后即获得理学士学位和中尉军衔，学制四年。该校曾为美国培养了大批陆军中高级指挥官。该校校训为“国家、荣誉、责任”。西点军校因其在二战中对盟国胜利进程所做的贡献而使自己的名望达到顶峰。

麦克阿瑟在中学期间依旧很努力坚持锻炼身体以改变体弱符合一名军人的要求，坚持多读书充实自己的头脑，并培养自己多方面的兴趣爱好。这时候，他已经很优秀，并在毕业典礼上代表全体毕业生致告别词，成为西德克萨斯军事中学的第一名毕业生。后来回忆说：“我那是才明白，任何努力都不会白费的，上帝会在任何地方注视你，记录你所付出的多少，总有一天，他会将你付出的辛苦与汗水变成荣誉回报给你。”

为了考进西点，成为一名优秀的军人，他一直努力，终于在他功成名就的时候明白了付出与收获的意义。一时的失望和灰心不要放弃，成功是要靠积累的，坚持付出才会有收获阿布！

阿瑟·麦克阿瑟和儿子道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟的梦想就是让儿子进西点军校读书，而当小麦克阿瑟备考期间，即1898年4月25日，美国向西班牙宣战，父亲接到上级命令，前往旧金山报道，率兵打仗。这时，麦克阿瑟就想放弃报考西点军校，直接参加父亲的部队。父亲对他说：“孩子，未来的军队里有的是战斗，而且远比这一次重要，你自己好好准备吧！”

当一个人的坚持出现松懈的时候，就应该有一个人来监督你、提醒你。父亲的提醒也是麦克阿瑟后来去的那么辉煌的成就的一个重要的环节。我们也要记住，阿瑟父亲的这句话，未来的年代里有的是战斗，永远不要放松自己，在现代社会更是这样，现在年轻的时候要时刻为日后更好的生活准备、积累。

1905年，麦克阿瑟参观了日本军事基地后:“既然已经征服了朝鲜和台湾，他们势必要伸手去控制太平洋称霸远东。这一点是十分明显的。”后来的事情正明了麦克阿瑟的判断。随后，在参观了青岛，视察了中国兵营后“为了维持分崩离析的政权，清朝统治者邀日本军队提供教官，真是引狼入室。”

一个年轻的美国小将有这样的军事远见和智慧，而中国当时的腐败更可见一斑。这里我们可以看到麦克阿瑟的军事才能是非同一般的。

二战前期，一位军事记者这样描述美国军队给人的印象是“一个个气喘吁吁地咧着大嘴，穿着不合身的军服，歪歪斜斜地拄着一杆老掉牙的步枪，在广大无边的国土上走来走去。”

就是这样一支看似不堪一击的军队，在麦克阿瑟的训练下，最终成为美国二战时期的作战力量，由此可见这位将军的带兵能力，而这样的军队都能被锻炼出来在战场上打胜仗，保卫国家，美国的军事、政治实力是多么不容小觑。那个时候的中国的军队也在装备落后、组织不严是情况下准备着，可最后二战的时候中国打的那么辛苦，整体实力不如人啊（这貌似是废话！）！

珍珠港遭受袭击，麦克阿瑟被参谋长理查德﹒萨特兰的电话从熟睡中吵醒，并被警告菲律宾也将在不久的将来会被袭击时，他说：“告诉参谋长，不必担心，这里没有问题。”

“这里没有问题”，说明麦克阿瑟卓越的军事，远见他对即将到来的战争早已有准备。但另一方面，也说明年事已高的麦克阿瑟被自己年轻时代的赫赫战功吞掉了自己的理智，沉浸在自负中，麻痹轻敌思想是他的一个致命弱点。（值得一提的是，书中说罗斯福在接到珍珠港遭偷袭的消息时正在吃苹果，呆愣了18秒才回过神接受了这个事实，难道总统秘书都是干这些事的吗，在接到这个晴天霹雳的时候还可以做出这么匪夷所思且平时都不会去做的无聊之极的事情，真是想不明白，唯一的解释就是作者杜撰的，不可信啊！）马尼拉失守，麦克阿瑟指挥军队及难民撤至有海峡天险的巴丹半岛，这时候日本军队占据马尼拉已没有利用价值，麦克阿瑟：“敌人也许抓到了瓶子，但我掌握着瓶塞。”再观撤退整个过程，麦克阿瑟采取了适当的战略，有效的日本军队的进攻，并在最短时间内整顿军队，承受了出战时所蒙受的可谓巨大的损失，但他的军事才能依然让美非军队挺过了恶运。

日本战后的记载称麦克阿瑟此时对日本军队攻击的反击战“有一种影响，一种精神上的影响，是从巴丹的抵抗中发挥出来的，它不仅使国内的日本人担心美国的抵抗会持久，而且也向菲律宾表明美国没有抛弃他们，而且会继续援助他们。

“美国政府命我突破日军的防线，从科里吉尔多来到澳大利亚，按照我的理解，我此次之行是为了组织美国队日本的反攻，其中最主要的目的是解放菲律宾，我现在脱险而来，但我将会回去的。”

这是麦克阿瑟在巴丹岛突破本间的包围圈，几经辗转来到澳大利亚后在火车站回答记者问题时的讲话。虽然，这翻话是随口而出的，却被当做凯撒式的诺言，像一把烈火点燃了美国人民反对日本法西斯的斗志，它被当做一个民族不屈不饶的意志的象征，一时间传遍整个美国，“我会回去的”这句话被划在沙滩上，被涂抹在营房的墙壁上，被打印在邮件上„„

“我会回去的”，在那个时候就是美国人反法西斯的一个精神支柱吧。战争就需要麦克阿瑟这样的军人，而麦克阿瑟也需要战争来体现自己存在的价值。在说到麦克阿瑟离开菲律宾战场来到澳大利亚的问题，可能从某种角度讲，名誉很好，很受士兵爱戴的将军，在生死存亡的时刻抛弃部下赶赴另地，或许多少有些不地道，但就实际情况来讲，在巴丹的灾难无法避免的情况下，不应该再将麦克阿瑟留下，这样优秀的将军应该发挥更大的作用，体现出更大的价值，国家培养一个栋梁是多么不容易！

还有一点，这个时候是1942年，麦克阿瑟是1880年生人，他儿子才4周岁，厉害啊！

日本本间雅晴 1938年人新组建的第27师团师团长，率部侵入中国，参加了侵占中国汉口的战役。1940年底，任台湾军司令官，1941任日军第14军司令官，率部入侵菲律宾。太平洋战争爆发后，率部子啊吕宋岛登陆，1942年被解职并退役。1945年9月被美国第8集团军逮捕，作为战俘在马尼拉受审，并被判处死刑，1946年被枪决。

百武秦吉日本陆军中将，1931年8月任关东军司令部驻哈尔滨特种部队负责人。

在太平洋方面战争中，一直处于劣势的麦克阿瑟到底赢了一回日本人，成功获得了巴布亚战役的胜利。此时，正值英美两国首脑在卡萨布兰卡召开会议，只有他在两国首脑谈判的关键时刻为自己的领袖送去了恰到好处了礼物。

麦克阿瑟终于通过自己的努力使战况有了改观，也帮了美国一个大忙，这里他固然立下了一个大功。罗斯福也会很高兴。可这里也看到了一个悲哀所在，那就是这么优秀的将军，在总统需要他、在人民需要他的时候，他的能力、他的成功是他们的骄傲，是他们炫耀的资本，给他们带来了平安，然而当世界稍微安定一点的时候，他就成了同僚们挤兑的对象，颇有点不得志，满腔抱负，不得施展的样子，算是一种悲哀吧。

尼米兹美国海军五星上将，参加过世界大战，当时任美国大西洋潜艇部队参谋长。1939年任美国海军航空局局长，1941年12月，被任命为美国太平洋舰队总司令，同时统帅该地区陆军。1942年6月，成功的指挥中途岛战役，扭转了太平洋战场的战局，随后又指挥了所罗门群岛、马绍尔群岛、菲律宾群岛、硫磺岛等系列战役，1945年9月2日参加了日本投降的签字仪式。

史汀生美国政治家、战略家，日本发动“九一八”事变并占领中国东北后，宣布美国不承认远东由武力引起的损害中国独立与行政完整的变化，及所谓的“不承认主义”。

二战日本签投降书的时候，重光葵代表天皇和日本政府签了字，代表日本大本营的梅津美治狼签了字。轮到麦克阿瑟时，在《日本无条件投降书》上，用第一、第二和第三支钢笔签下了自己的名字，再用两支不同的钢笔签署了自己的职务。随后他将第一、而支钢笔分别赠送给温顿特将军和珀西瓦尔将军，第三支赠送给美国政府档案馆，第四只赠送给西点军校，第五支红色小钢笔则赠送给麦克阿瑟夫人留作纪念。

尼克松称许麦克阿瑟是历史上最进步的占领军司令之一，而且是其中少数政绩卓著之一；他留给后人的最大业绩，不是第二次世界大战中用兵如神的才能，而是在占领日本期间所推行的民主改革。他本是个打仗的里手，却成了改革的行家，完全是靠着他的胆识、魄力与博学„„

麦克阿瑟参加了朝鲜战争，并用自己的实力让总统杜鲁门尝到了一些甜头。可是在毛泽东与周恩来总理的领导下，中国志愿军在战争中发挥了巨大作用，使麦克阿瑟吃了大亏，最后不得不退兵。为此，杜鲁门很生气，解除了麦克阿瑟的职务。这个消息一公布，成千上万的美国人立即拍电报给议员、国会，十之八九都反对杜鲁门的决定，并纷纷采取了各种行动来表达自己的不满，但并不能阻止。当麦克阿瑟知道时正与夫人在美国驻日本东京大使馆的客厅里请两位美国客人吃饭，他温和地对夫人说：“琼，别难过，这也算好事，我们终于回家了。”不过他还是很愤怒，因为它竟然是通过别人从广播中知道自己被解职的消息的。

麦克阿瑟是一个真正的军人，他具有坚定地信念，克服困难的勇气和为国家牺牲一切的精神。麦克阿瑟生前很喜欢一首诗歌，从中或许可以窥见他的内心世界: 石头是坚硬的，但更坚硬的是人的意志。它受着理想的指引，它能征服和铸造最坚硬的顽石„„

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